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The Balkan position: Regional export chains under CBAM

The CBAM story is often framed as a national topic, but in reality it is regional. Southeastern Europe is economically intertwined, industrially interconnected and strategically positioned together relative to the European Union. Serbia, Montenegro, Bosnia and Herzegovina, North Macedonia, Romania, Bulgaria and Greece form a combined industrial corridor whose future competitiveness will be reshaped by CBAM and the evolution of green power credibility.

This region has three strategic assets: proximity to EU markets, historical industrial capability and the potential to modernise power systems faster than many non-European competitors. But it also shares three vulnerabilities: legacy coal dependency in several systems, uneven investment capacity, and policy inconsistency. CBAM will expose both strengths and weaknesses without sentiment.

Serbia, Romania and Bulgaria hold the greatest structural weight in terms of industrial scale and export orientation. Greece plays a key logistics and energy-transit role. Montenegro and North Macedonia represent smaller but strategically positioned economies connected through energy trade, infrastructure integration and export partnerships with EU industries. None of these countries can treat CBAM solely as a domestic compliance issue. Their supply chains cross borders. Their electricity systems interact. Their industrial fortunes overlap.

If the region fails to decarbonise power credibly, it will collectively lose competitiveness. High embedded emissions will translate directly into cost penalties and lost contracts. European buyers will seek compliant alternatives elsewhere. Meanwhile, if the region succeeds, it can collectively become a stabilising processing extension of Europe, securing segments of steel, aluminium downstream production, copper chains, manufacturing, components and potentially battery-adjacent operations.

This creates an opportunity for regional cooperation rarely achieved historically. Harmonised emissions reporting standards, aligned industrial PPAs, coordinated investment in cross-border grid strengthening, shared renewable strategies and joint engagement with European financing institutions could position the Balkans not as fragmented economies but as a unified industrial zone transitioning intelligently into Europe’s next industrial era.

CBAM will not divide the region into winners and losers automatically. It will reward those who move seriously, coordinate pragmatically and treat decarbonisation as competitiveness rather than obligation. The Balkans can remain relevant not by pleading for exemptions but by outperforming expectations. Serbia’s leadership role within this geography will be decisive. If it anchors credibility, others will follow. If it hesitates, the region risks being defined by hesitation rather than opportunity.

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